NDI Hong Kong programmes: 'The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong' Report Series

According to the NDI:

Between 1997 and 2011, NDI conducted a series of missions to Hong Kong to consider the development of Hong Kong’s election framework, the status of autonomy, rule of law and civil liberties, and the prospects for and challenges to democratization. 

NDI has published an ongoing series based on these assessments called ‘The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong’. 

The series is shared with media, government and international nongovernmental organizations to raise awareness of Hong Kong’s democratic progress¹.

The following reports were published in this series:

The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong report series²

Report #1: Report of the NDI Survey Mission (June '97).

Report #2: The New Election Framework (Oct. '97).

Report #3: Rule of Law and Autonomy (May '98).

Report #4: The May 24, 1998 Elections Pre-Election Report (May '98).

Report #5: The May 24, 1998 Elections Post-Election Report (July '98).

Report #6: The 2002 Chief Executive Election and the Transition Five (March '02).

Report #7: Accountability without Democracy? The Principal Officials Accountability System in

Hong Kong, NDI and Civic Exchange, (Oct. '02).   

Report #8: The Impact of July's Protest Demonstrations on the November 23 Distrtict Council Elections, A Pre-Election Report (Nov. '03).

Report #9: The September 12, 2004 Legislative Council Elections, A Pre-Election Report (Aug. '04).

Report #10: The 2005 Chief Executive Election (June '05).

Report #11: The 2007 Chief Executive Election (April '07).  

Report #12: The 2007 District Council Elections, Legislative Council By-Election, And Prospects for Constitutional Reform (Dec. '07).

Report #13: The 2008 Legislative Council Elections (Oct. '08).

Report #14: Taking Stock, Passage of the Political Reform Package (Nov. '10).

Report #15: A Divisive Campaign Season (July '12).

References

¹NDI. Where we work - Asia – Hong Kong. Link: NDI Programs in Hong Kong

²NDI reports: 'The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong' Report Series. Link to all of the reports: Promise of Democratization Reports

NDI Programs in Hong Kong

The NDI sent their first survey mission to Hong Kong in March 1997, prior to Hong Kong’s return to Chinese sovereignty in July 1997, followed by thirteen more NDI survey missions Between 1997 and 2012.

The objective of the first and all future missions was identify possibilities for NDI programming in the territory.

First Survey Mission programs

Following the first survey mission in 1997, the following program options for the NDI were identified

1. Monitoring the Development of an Election Framework.

NDI is now organizing an ongoing program to monitor the development of an election framework for the legislative council elections expected in the first half of 1998, including one or more pre-election missions in the second half of 1997 to assess whether the proposed election framework is consistent with international norms. NDI also expects to organize a seminar that would draw on experiences from other countries. Since the Basic Law provides for additional revisions of the election framework for future elections, this issue will continue to be important in the future. A program that monitors the development of an election framework will also help inform the strategy of pro-democracy activists with respect to election issues.

2. Working with Local Elected Officials.

Working with existing democratic political organizations, NDI could also convene one or more workshops with elected District Board representatives in an effort to improve their political organizations and organizing skills. Such programs could help local officials to better address the concerns of their constituencies and to more effectively monitor the impact of government policy on their constituents. As local elected officials and political organizations gain political sophistication and confidence, they become more effective at developing and articulating policies that empower the public and provide alternative, democratic centers of political power¹.

First Survey Mission programs

2006 planning meeting involving HKU-POP and HKBU-HKTP

In February 2006, the National Democratic Institute (NDI) sent an assessment mission to Hong Kong.  The mission comprised George Rakis, Political Director of the Democratic Governors’ Association; Tom Bonier, National Committee for an Effective Congress client liaison and Christine Chung, NDI China Country Director.

Amongst others, the mission met with Professor Michael DeGolyer of the Hong Kong Transition Project of the Hong Kong Baptist University (HKBU-HKTP) and Robert CHUNG Ting-yiu of the University of Hong Kong’s Public Opinion Programme (HKU-POP).

Professor Michael DeGolyer

Dr Robert CHUNG

The findings of this mission were documented in the NDI report: Contesting Campaigns in Hong Kong: A Critical Look at Infrastructure and Practices², which was written by Belinda Winterbourne, NDI Program Officer in Hong Kong.

The report was intended to both inform NDI’s ongoing training programs of party members as well as to serve as a resource material for Hong Kong parties as they undertake their own strategic planning.

Programs in Hong Kong from 2007

The outcome of the 2006 planning meeting was that in 2007 the NDI consolidated their activities and focused on four complementary programs in Hong Kong:

1. 'The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong' report series,

2. Public Opinion Polls,

3. Youth Public Participation,

4. Women's Political Participation.

These are details of these programs as recorded on the NDI’s Hong Kong web-page:

'The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong' Report Series

Between 1997 and 2011, NDI conducted a series of missions to Hong Kong to consider the development of Hong Kong’s election framework, the status of autonomy, rule of law and civil liberties, and the prospects for and challenges to democratization.  NDI has published an ongoing series based on these assessments called The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong.  The series is shared with media, government and international nongovernmental organizations to raise awareness of Hong Kong’s democratic progress.

Public Opinion Polls

NDI has worked with partners at Hong Kong think tanks and academic institutions to support public opinion polls, which have asked questions about public attitudes toward electoral reform, Hong Kong’s political parties and governance. One recent report from the Hong Kong Transition Project at Baptist University is based on polling in the lead up to the September 2012 LegCo election.  That report covered public perceptions of the political parties and their platforms. Polling and reports are typically presented to local media during a press conference and private presentations are available to all political parties.

Youth Public Participation

NDI has worked with the International Studies Department at Baptist University to encourage youth participation in public policy areas. The Institute launched a youth program in September 2007, where students from across Hong Kong reviewed and responded to the government’s Green Paper Consultation on Constitutional Development. In November 2008, NDI partners organized a summit for students from eight Hong Kong universities.  The students worked in campaign teams to devise campaign strategies and materials, and took part in a set of mock debates around the issues of constitutional reform, environmental regulation and education reform. In December 2009, the Institute and its partners organized a climate change simulation with eight teams of students each playing the role of a major country, negotiating their own version of the United Nations (UN) treaty on climate change.

In February 2010, local NDI partners organized a nonpartisan public debate on constitutional reform in a Model UN format. After this exercise, the students reflected on their own views to draft a consensual document representing their ideas and aspirations for constitutional reform. Students learned parliamentary process and negotiating skills by coming to consensus.  The students’ proposal was submitted to the government as part of the public consultation process. In 2012, NDI sponsored a youth summit on the chief executive election. Participants role-played the part of candidates, election committee members, media and civil society.

Women's Political Participation

In 2007, the Institute launched a women’s political participation program that worked with local civil society partners to enhance women’s participation in policy-making, encourage increased participation in politics and ensure that women’s issues are taken into account in the policy-making process. Subsequently, NDI local partners have conducted outreach to LegCo members to raise awareness of the challenges predominantly female caregivers face in Hong Kong, such as childcare and professional training opportunities.  Campaigns have also engaged with LegCo members on possible changes to Hong Kong’s comprehensive social security assistance scheme and introduction of a minimum wage.

NDI is also working with local civil society partners to carry out the “Young Leaders for Women’s Education and Empowerment Program.”  The program is designed to provide leadership skills and empowerment for a handful of young leaders from Hong Kong and mainland China.  Each participant has received a small grant for a project in her home community.  The program provides skills building for the participants and mentoring for project implementation over several months.  The program seeks to foster a network of leaders from both Hong Kong and mainland China working for women’s empowerment and civic participation³.

NDI Hong Kong webpage - Where we work in Asia

NDI Hong Kong Programs overview 1

NDI Hong Kong Programs overview 2 (continued from 1 above)

References

¹The promise of democratization in Hong Kong. Survey Report. NDI Pre-election report. NDI Hong Kong Report #1. June 10, 1997. See link: First NDI HK Survey report

²NDI report: Contesting Campaigns in Hong Kong: A Critical Look at Infrastructure and Practices. July 2006. See link: Contesting Campaigns report

³NDI. Where We Work - Asia – Hong Kong. See link: NDI Programs in Hong Kong

Photo credits

Professor Michael DeGolyer. Hong Kong Transition Project. Link: Michael DeGolyer photograph

Dr. Robert CHUNG Ting-yiu (鍾庭耀). HKU Scholars Hub. Link: Robert CHUNG photograph

NDI representatives visit Hong Kong in November 2011 and Promise of Democratization Report 15

In the weeks prior to the 6 November 2011 district council elections, representatives from NDI and Victor Perton , the Commissioner to the Americas from the Victorian Government of Australia met with members of the political parties, the judiciary, academia and the press to discuss the overall political environment in Hong Kong.

On the day of the district council elections, representatives from NDI together with the Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor observed campaign activities and polling throughout the region and spoke with candidates. Following the 25 March 2012 chief executive election, NDI representatives met with many of the same individuals.

On 21 April 2012, NDI together with Hong Kong University’s Center for Comparative and Public Law and the Consulate General of Canada in Hong Kong co-sponsored a public forum where several well-known commentators and political party leaders discussed their views on Hong Kong politics in light of the recent chief executive election.

Promise of Democratization Report 15

The findings of these visits, monitoring and consultations were documented in:

·         The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: A Divisive Campaign Season: Hong Kong’s 2011 District Council Elections, 2012 Chief Executive Election and The Challenges Ahead. NDI Hong Kong Report No. 15. 1 July 2012¹.

This report was compiled by:

·         David Caragliano , NDI Senior Program Officer, Asia, principal author;

·         Peter Manikas , NDI Asia Regional Director, principal editor;

·         Tom Barry , Deputy Regional Director, principal editor;

·         Marjan Ehsassi , Senior Program Manager, Asia, principal editor.

In addition:

·         Stephen Tong assisted with meeting coordination;

·         Malte Kaeding assisted with the sections of the report dealing with the November 2011 district council elections.

NDI received input that contributed to this report from individuals with the following affiliations: The Civic Party, The Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong, The Democratic Party, The Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions, The Labor Party, The Liberal Party, The New People’s Party, The People Power Party, The Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, The Electoral Affairs Commission, The Hong Kong Bar Association, The Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor, The Hong Kong Journalists Association, The Hong Kong Transition Project at Hong Kong Baptist University and SynergyNet.

Focus of the report

This report is the fifteenth in that series. It focuses on the November 2011 district council elections and March 2012 chief executive election.

Through this series of reports, entitled “The Promise of Democratization,” NDI has sought to raise awareness of the challenges and the progress toward “universal suffrage,” which is set forth as the “ultimate aim” in Hong Kong’s Basic Law.

Key findings of the report

The key findings of this report were:

The importance of Public Opinion

Public opinion played an unprecedented role in the 2012 CE election. In the months immediately preceding the election, academia and media outlets released weekly public opinion polls rating the candidates (Page 15).

Other signs point to a strategy on the part of Beijing to invite the EC to consider each candidate’s acceptability to the Hong Kong people.

As early as July 11, 2011, Wang Guangya, the director of the State Council’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, took the opportunity to spell out Beijing’s criteria for the next CE during a visit with the FTU. Wang set forth three criteria:

(1) love of country and of Hong Kong;

(2) a very high capacity for governance; and

(3) broad acceptability by the people of Hong Kong.

The new addition of “broad acceptability to the people of Hong Kong” acknowledges that public opinion should affect CE electability (Page 16).

Two key developments will likely stand out in the minds of Hong Kong people when they recall the March 25, 2012 CE election:

·         One is Beijing’s unexplained announcement in July 2011 of a new “public acceptability” criterion to guide the selection of Hong Kong’s next chief executive.

·         The second is Hong Kong University pollster, Robert Chung’s mock on-line election, allowing Hong Kong people to have a voice (if not a vote) in the process (Page 14).

The opportunity to use public opinion as a tool to influence the political process

Beijing’s nod to public opinion and the enhanced level of competition among three candidates created additional space for civil society to influence the political process (Page 2 and Page 18).

Robert CHUNG’s response to the 2012 Chief Executive Election

In respect of the March 2012 Chief Executive Election:

·         Rather than conduct a public opinion poll, collating the views of a sample of a few hundred citizens over the phone, Hong Kong University Professor Robert Chung sought to solicit public input.

·         His mock election exercise, organized in the face of harsh criticism from the pro-government media, was held two days before the actual chief executive election committee vote.

·         Citizens registered for the referendum using their Hong Kong identification cards and could vote at an online website or through a mobile phone application.

·         Participants could cast their ballots for any one of the three candidates, or they could vote to abstain—effectively an affirmative vote for none of the candidates.

·         Nearly 223,000 citizens, or approximately 5 percent of Hong Kong’s registered voting population, turned out to vote in the referendum, and about 55 percent of them voted to abstain.

·         Chung’s referendum laid bare the shortcomings of the chief executive selection process. The turnout revealed a significant number of Hong Kong people frustrated by the limited options presented by their political system (Page 2)

Hong Kong University professor and pollster Robert Chung announced late in 2011 that he would try to arrange a mock referendum based on the CE election.

Rather than conduct a public opinion polling exercise and solicit the views of a sample of a few hundred citizens over the phone, Chung sought to extend the voting experience more broadly (Page 19).

Pro-Beijing media outlets sharply criticized Robert Chung and the referendum project, but the exercise seemed to proceed as planned until the day of the referendum, when two hackers blocked access to the online site (Page 19).

Complaints of foreign interference

From December 2011 through the date of the referendum exercise, more than 90 critical articles and commentaries were published making inflammatory claims against Robert Chung. Chung was accused of “liaising with British intelligence” and performing on cue for his “American masters.”

Apparently, these criticisms did not have traction with a sizable segment of the Hong Kong population (Page 20).

Denial by the NDI of involvement with Robert Chung in the Civil Referendum project

Footnote 49 on Page 20 ‘denies’ NDI involvement in the Civil Referendum project as follows:

“An article in Wen Wei Po criticized Robert Chung for the fact that he has accepted funding from NDI. See黎子珍 < 指点江山：钟庭耀是一个政治掮客 > 《香港文匯報》 2012-02-09.

Available at http://paper.wenweipo.com/2012/02/09/HK1202090017.htm

While Professor Chung has collaborated with NDI on public opinion polling projects in the past, NDI did not provide funding or technical support in connection with the 3.23 Civil Referendum project”. 

IV. The March 2012 Chief Executive Selection Process

The events of 2003 led to Tung’s ouster. Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) spread to Hong Kong from Mainland China. This health emergency caused around 300 deaths in Hong Kong, widespread illness and panic. Central Government Authorities initially regarded SARS as a state secret impeding public awareness and containment of the virus. At about the same time, the HKSAR government attempted to introduce controversial national security legislation under Article 23 of the Basic Law. These events led to popular upsurge of approximately half a million protesters calling for Tung to step down. The event provided Beijing with a warning on the hazards of endorsing a CE out of sync with public opinion. Tung eventually did resign as CE, citing health reasons in March 2005 (Page 14/15).

Article 23

Article 23 of the Basic Law is one of the most controversial provisions in Hong Kong’s constitution. It provides:

The [HKSAR] shall enact laws on its own to prohibit any act of treason, secession, sedition, subversion against the Central People’s Government, or theft of state secrets, to prohibit foreign political organizations or bodies from conducting political activities in the Region, and to prohibit political organizations or bodies of the Region from establishing ties with foreign political organizations or bodies.

The implementation of Article 23 in a way that is acceptable to Beijing while respecting the rights and freedoms of the Hong Kong people has been one of the most difficult challenges faced by the Hong Kong government. The push to pass Article 23 legislation in 2003 led to a demonstration of more than half a million Hong Kong people. The government was compelled to withdraw the bill from the legislature. The legacy of “people power” is now part of Hong Kong politics. (Page 24).

The Hong Kong government will have to wrestle with the difficulties of drafting Article 23 legislation in the near future. Public opinion, both local and international, should inform the debate. Concerns about certain vague clauses in the original bill hinge, in part, upon the autonomy of the HKSAR government and the independence of the judiciary (Page 25).

Reference 

¹The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: A Divisive Campaign Season: Hong Kong’s 2011 District Council Elections, 2012 Chief Executive Election and The Challenges Ahead. NDI Hong Kong Report No. 15. 1 July 2012 Link to all Promise of Democratization Reports

NDI delegation visits Hong Kong in November 2010 and Promise of Democratization Report 14

From 1 – 4 November 2010, the National Democratic Institute (NDI) sent a team to Hong Kong to assess the political environment leading up to and following the passage of the political reform package.

The NDI team included:

·         Suzanne Wood, Former President of the New Zealand National Party;

·         Thomas Barry, NDI Deputy Regional Director for Asia programs;

·         Jennifer Hopfensperger, Program Officer NDI DC;

·         Belinda Winterbourne, NDI Resident Senior Program Manager for Hong Kong; 

·         Stephen Tong, NDI Program Officer for Hong Kong.

Among others, the team met with current and former government officials; political party leaders; Legislative Council members and candidates; District Councilors; nongovernmental organization representatives; academics; journalists; and diplomats.

Promise of Democratization Report 14

The findings of this delegation were documented in:

·         The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: Taking Stock - Passage of the Political Reform Package. NDI Hong Kong Report No. 14. November 2010¹.

For further information, please contact:

·         Marjan Ehsassi, Program Manager, Asia;

·         Belinda Winterbourne, Resident Senior Program Manager.

Key findings of the report

The following are the key findings in this report:

By-Election/DeFacto Civil Referendum

The League of Social Democrats (LSD) … were the first to propose a “de-facto referendum” whereby a democratic legislator would resign from each constituency, forcing a by-election.

This did not gain widespread support initially from within the pan-democratic camp, which feared it could detract from the universal suffrage issue.

Ultimately, the Civic Party decided to participate in the resignation plan while the Democratic Party had refused to employ this strategy (Page 7).

Although there were initial concerns that there may not be a contested election, a five member youth group, Tertiary 2012, also joined to ensure a contested election (Page 8).

Advice from Professor Michael DeGolyer

Michael DeGolyer, Director of the Hong Kong Transition Project, suggested that the pan-democrats should seize this opportunity to propose candidates for all five seats and develop a common theme such that people would be voting for ideals and an ideology rather than personalities (Page 11).

Hong Kong Transition Project survey

In a survey by the Hong Kong Transition Project, conducted in October 2009, 72% of 160 respondents aged 18 to 29 believed the government made policies unfairly favoring the interests of some over others. Survey findings also showed dissatisfaction with the CE’s handling of constitutional reform to be high across all groups but highest among those under 30 years of age (Page 11).

SynergyNet Review

According to the SynergyNet’s 2010 CE Review commissioned by NDI, the governance crisis faced by the CE stems from structural problems including a legitimacy deficit, a fragile governing coalition and a lack of institutionalized communication channels between the executive and legislature (Page 18).

SynergyNet suggested in the short-term that the government institutionalize a negotiation mechanism between the executive and the legislature and reform advisory committee structures. In the long-term, the government should increase the pace of constitutional reform and further develop party politics (Page 18).

Comments by Chairman of the Basic Law Institute

Alan Hoo, Chairman of the Basic Law Institute, referred to Article 31 of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, which states that:

 “The state may establish special administrative regions when necessary. The systems to be instituted in special administrative regions shall be prescribed by law enacted by the NPC in light of the specific conditions.”

Mr. Hoo additionally noted that requesting a plan for universal suffrage would contravene the principle of gradual and orderly progress, as established in Article 45 of the Basic Law (Page 18).

Reference 

¹The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: Taking Stock - Passage of the Political Reform Package. NDI Hong Kong Report No. 14. November 2010 Link to all Promise of Democratization Reports 

NDI delegation visits Hong Kong in August 2008 and Promise of Democratization Report 13

From 13 - 17 August 2008, the National Democratic Institute (NDI) held meetings in Hong Kong to assess the political environment leading up to and around the September 7 Legislative Council (LegCo) elections, and to gauge the environment following the announcement of the timetable for implementing universal suffrage.

NDI’s team included:

·         Christopher Pyne, Member of Parliament for Sturt, Australia and Shadow Minister for Justice;

·         Thomas Barry, NDI Deputy Regional Director for Asia programs;

·         Anne Tsai Bennett, NDI Program Manager for Asia;

·         Belinda Winterbourne, NDI Program Manager for Hong Kong;

·         Stephen Tong, NDI Program Officer for Hong Kong.

The team met with current and former government officials, political party leaders, Legislative Council members and candidates, District Councilors, nongovernmental organization representatives, academics, journalists, diplomats and others.

The NDI also collaborated with the Hong Kong Transition Project who arranged for university student volunteers to shadow six Legislative Council candidates from 31 July through election day on 7 September, to informally observe the campaigns and the polls.

Promise of Democratization Report 13

The findings of this delegation were documented in:

·         The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: The 2008 Legislative Council Elections. NDI Hong Kong Report #13. 15 October 2008¹.

Promise of Democratization Report 13 cover

Key findings of the team

The key findings of this team were:

The Defining Election Issues

·         The LegCo elections were dominated by “livelihood” issues such as unemployment and the economy, the public’s main concerns in the lead up to September 7, as well as growing dissatisfaction with CE Donald Tsang and his administration.

·         A rise in patriotism leading up to and during the Olympics in August, combined with the SCNPC’s December 2007 issuance of a timetable for universal suffrage, pushing direct elections to no earlier than 2017 for the CE and 2020 for the entire LegCo seemed to remove the call for universal suffrage from being a focus for candidates and the public.

·         Surveys prior to the election showed that bread and butter “livelihood” issues were foremost on voters’ minds.

·         Meanwhile, only 6.5 percent of voters surveyed by the Chinese University said they would focus on universal suffrage² (Page 8).

·         Concerns over inflation, employment, the environment, and town development dominated the political Debate (Pages 8/9).

The Campaigns

NDI conducted a study with the assistance of the Hong Kong Transition Project, in which six university students in Hong Kong shadowed the campaigns of six Legislative Council candidates. The study afforded the opportunity to verify -- on the ground -- campaign techniques employed by candidates, as well as the use of resources, and other factors.

Please see Appendix II for summaries of the students’ observations of the campaigns:

Appendix II - 2008 Legislative Council Elections Case Studies: Student Observations

NDI would like to thank the Hong Kong Transition Project Director Prof. Michael DeGolyer, Cheung Puiki Research Assistant and the six student volunteers and the individual candidates and their campaign teams for their assistance on this project.

The student volunteers observed the following candidates:

·         Tanya Chan, Civic Party, Hong Kong Island;

·         Audrey Eu, Civic Party, Hong Kong Island;

·         Regina Ip, Independent, Hong Kong Island;

·         Alan Leong, Civic Party, Kowloon East;

·         Thomas Yu Kwun Wai, Civic Party, Kowloon East;

·         Fred Li Wah Ming, Democratic Party, Kowloon East;

·         Roy Tam, Independent, Kowloon West.

NDI, in collaboration with the Hong Kong Transition Project and with the assistance of six student volunteers, conducted an observation of the campaigns of six Legislative Council candidates, focused on qualitative aspects of their campaigns.

The study was conducted to help better understand the role of Hong Kong’s political parties in

supporting candidates during election time, including campaign strategies as well as general campaigning techniques.

Prior to observations, the students were briefed on their role as observers and the need to refrain from participating in any electioneering activities to ensure their neutrality.

The observations took place between 31 July 2008 and 7 September 2008. Students were asked to observe activities of the candidate and their aides, including types of campaign literature distributed, the reaction of passers-by, what other campaigning techniques were employed, and the tactics employed by the opponents.  A de-briefing session was held with interested candidates on September 11, 2008.

One student was only able to complete half of the observations, the rest were conducted by the NDI Hong Kong field staff who were part of the election assessment team.

Reference

¹The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: The 2008 Legislative Council Elections. NDI Hong Kong Report #13. 15 October 2008 Link to all Promise of Democratization Reports 

²Eva Wu. Suffrage a low priority for voters. South China Morning Post. 15 August 2008. 

NDI delegation visits Hong Kong in November 2007 and Promise of Democratization Report 12

From 12 – 21 November 2007 the National Democratic Institute (NDI) held meetings in Hong Kong to assess the environment leading up to and around the November 18 District Council Elections and the December 2 Legislative Council by-election, and to gauge the prospects for constitutional reform to determine a timetable for implementing universal suffrage.

NDI’s team included:

·         Thomas Barry, NDI Deputy Regional Director for Asia programs;

·         Gordon Davis, NDI Resident Country Director for China programs;

·         Anne Tsai Bennett, NDI Senior Program Officer for Asia;

·         Belinda Winterbourne, NDI Program Officer for Hong Kong;

·         Tyler Stilley, NDI Senior Program Assistant for Asia;

·         Stephen Tong, NDI Senior Program Assistant for Hong Kong.

The team met with current and former government officials, political party leaders and Legislators, District Councilors, nongovernmental organization representatives, academics, journalists, diplomats and others.

Promise of Democratization Report 12

The findings of this delegation were documented in:

·         The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: The 2007 District Council Elections, Legislative Council By-election, and Prospects for Constitutional Reform. NDI Hong Kong Report #12. December 27, 2007¹.

Belinda Winterbourne and Anne Tsai Bennett were the principal authors of this report, to which each of the other team members also contributed. 

Peter Manikas, NDI’s Regional Director of Asia Programs, made editorial contributions.

Promise of Democratization Report 12 cover

Key findings of the report

Article 23 protests

·         A catalyst for democratization was the 1 July 2003 public demonstration which brought over half a million people onto the streets (out of a population of 6.8 million) to support democracy and to oppose the passage of Article 23, a piece of unpopular national security legislation. The protest was compelling evidence of Hong Kong citizens’ desire for democracy (Page 1).

·         The Institute viewed the 2003 demonstrations that ended the dispute over proposed legislation to implement Article 23 of the Basic Law as proof of vibrant democratic instincts among the Hong Kong populace.

·         The Article 23 controversy resulted in over half a million people pouring out onto the streets (out of a population of 6.8 million) in opposition to proposed legislation they viewed as interfering with their freedom of expression (Page 3).

The Campaign – Getting Out the Vote

NDI conducted a study with the assistance of the Hong Kong Transition Project, in which a number of students observed the campaigns of five District Councilor candidates (four incumbents and one challenger).

The study afforded the opportunity to verify, on the ground, several hypotheses concerning grass-roots party organization, the use of resources, and other factors (Page 7).

Further details of this initiative were given at Appendix 1 of the report:

Appendix I - 2007 District Council Election Case Studies: Student Observations

The Hong Kong Transition Project recruited six student volunteers who conducted an observation of the campaigns of six District Council candidates, focused on qualitative aspects of their campaigns.

The study was conducted to help better understand the role of Hong Kong’s political parties in supporting candidates during election time, including campaign strategies as well as general campaigning techniques.

Prior to observations, the students were briefed on their role as observers and the need to refrain from participating in any electioneering activities to ensure their neutrality.

The observations took place between October 1, 2007 and November 18, 2007.

Students were asked to observe the activities of the candidate and their aides, including types of campaign literature distributed, the reaction of passers-by, what other campaigning techniques are employed, the tactics employed by the opponents.

The student volunteers observed the following six candidates:

·         Tony Chan Independent Incumbent Eastern District,

·         Ken Chow Liberal Party Incumbent Yuen Long District,

·         Gary Fan Democratic Party Incumbent Sai Kung District,

·         Patrick Leung Civic Party Incumbent Eastern District,

·         Jimmy Wong Democratic Party Incumbent Tai Po District,

·         Wendy Wong Civic Party New Candidate Tuen Mun District.

Each student provided a synopsis of their observations by the students. The full reports are being analyzed and will provide qualitative input to a report being prepared by the Hong Kong Transition Project (Page 17).

Reference

¹The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: The 2007 District Council Elections, Legislative Council By-election, and Prospects for Constitutional Reform. NDI Hong Kong Report #12. December 27, 2007  Link to all Promise of Democratization Reports

NDI assessment mission visits Hong Kong in May 2005 and Promise of Democratization Report 10

From 24 – 28 May 2005 the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) conducted an assessment mission in Hong Kong in the lead-up to the Chief Executive election scheduled for July 10.

The mission comprised:

·         Sam Gejdenson, NDI board member and former member of the U.S. House of Representatives;

·         Peter Manikas, NDI Director of Asia Programs;

·         Christine Chung, NDI China Program Director;

·         Anne Tsai Bennett, NDI Asia Program Officer.

Promise of Democratization Report 9#

The findings of this mission were documented in:

·         The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: The 2005 Chief Executive Election. NDI Hong Kong Report #10. 21 June 2005¹.

The team met with current and former government officials, including Secretary for Constitutional Affairs Stephen Lam, Solicitor General Robert Allcock and Deputy Solicitor General James O’Neil, political party leaders and legislators, nongovernmental organization representatives, academics, prominent business persons and representatives of business organizations, journalists, diplomats and others.

Promise of Democratization Report 10 cover

Key findings of the mission

The key findings of this mission were:

·         Donald Tsang is a moderate and is mindful of Beijing’s concerns.

·         Few anticipate that he will push for major changes.

During the ceremonial launching of his campaign, Tsang indicated his strategy to manage expectations. He stated:

“We must be modest in our stated ambitions. Better by far to promise one candle and deliver two than to promise all the brightness of the sun and deliver only darkness”

(Page 15).

Reference

¹The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: The 2005 Chief Executive Election. NDI Hong Kong Report #10. 21 June 2005 Link to all Promise of Democratization Reports

NDI assessment mission visits Hong Kong in July 2004 and Promise of Democratization Report 9

Assessment Mission

From 18 – 23 July 2004 the National Democratic Institute (NDI) sent an assessment mission to Hong Kong in the lead-up to the September 12 Legislative Council elections.

The assessment team comprised:

·         Casimir Yost, Director of the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy at Georgetown University;

·         Matyas Eorsi, Member of the Hungarian Parliament; 

·         Christine Chung, NDI China Program Director.

The team met with current and former government officials, including Chief Secretary Donald Tsang, Secretary for Constitutional Affairs Stephen Lam, and Electoral Affairs Commission Chairman Justice Woo, political party leaders and legislators, nongovernmental organization representatives, academics, prominent business persons and representatives of business organizations, journalists, diplomats and others.

Promise of Democratization Report 9#

The findings of this mission were documented in:

·         The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: The September 12, 2004 Legislative Council Elections. A Pre-election Report. NDI Hong Kong Report #9. August 31, 2004¹.

This report was written by:

·         Christine Chung.

The following people made editorial contributions to this report:

·         Casimir Yost;

·         Peter Manikas, NDI Director of Asia Programs;

·         Jennifer Ganem, NDI Senior Program Manager for Asia; 

·         Anne Tsai, NDI Program Officer for Asia.

Promise of Democratization Report 9 cover

Key findings of the mission

The key findings of this mission were:

Universal suffrage

Although the Basic Law only pledges universal suffrage as an “ultimate goal,” many people hoped that Hong Kong would move to a universal franchise for the next round of elections in 2007 and 2008 (Page 1).

However, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress’ (SCNPC) ruled in April that universal suffrage would not be established for either the 2007 or 2008 elections (Page 1)

Political rallies

On January 1, 2004, the Civil Human Rights Front organized a democracy rally in Hong Kong’s Central district. An estimated 100,000 demonstrators participated in the rally, far exceeding turnout expectations (Page 2).

February began a period of what many in Hong Kong dubbed the “Patriot Games.” For a couple of months, various Chinese officials and Hong Kong figures tried to define who in Hong Kong was a patriot and who was not, implying or openly stating that those people who were not friendly to the central authorities were not fit to lead Hong Kong. These denunciations were highlighted by personal attacks against Martin Lee, a Democratic Party (DP) legislator and former DP Chairman, who testified at the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing in Washington about Hong Kong’s political situation (Page 3).

ICCPR and Meeting International Standards

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which both China and Hong Kong are signatories, guarantees the right to “genuine periodic elections” through “universal and equal suffrage.”

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and numerous other human rights instruments and international agreements have similar provisions. Even before the reversion to Chinese sovereignty, Hong Kong was asked to bring its electoral law into line with the ICCPR.

In 1995, the United Nations Human Rights Committee called on the Hong Kong government to take immediate steps to comply with the ICCPR. In November 1996, the President of the United Nations Human Rights Committee condemned the failure of the Hong Kong government to respond to its previous criticisms.

The Committee reported that the use of “functional constituencies” in Hong Kong was a special restricted franchise and therefore a breach of Article 25 of the ICCPR (Page 13).

Low level of interest and activism by university students

“Many critics still lament the low level of interest and activism by university students in Hong Kong”.

Observers ascribe this lack of civic awareness to Hong Kong’s history as a colonial entity where the British deliberately minimized civic education. While colonial attitude holdovers are not disputed, public awareness is more than a prescribed program; it is an organic process that is taking hold in the HKSAR. Nevertheless, civic education appears to be an area that has been under-resourced, and it should be addressed by the government.

More support and funding needs to be channeled to Think Tanks

Think tanks in Hong Kong are emerging and expanding in both scope and breadth. Various people mentioned to the assessment team the problem of the lack of think tanks in Hong Kong.

With varying areas and degrees of competence, Hong Kong’s think tanks include among others: Policy Research Institute, Civic Exchange, SynergyNet, Article 45 Concern Group, Hong Kong Democratic Foundation, Social and Economic Policy Institute and One Country, Two Systems Institute.

Beyond these groups are Hong Kong’s universities, whose scholars often times collaborate with these civil society organizations. Moreover, the academic institutes themselves produce research and are capable of producing more than the think tanks.

“If the development of think tanks is a priority for Hong Kong, then more support and funding needs to be channeled to these nascent groups”

(Pages 24/25).

Hong Kong citizens remain skeptical of political parties

By most accounts, Hong Kong citizens remain skeptical of political parties. Less than 1% of Hong Kong’s population has ever joined a party. Commentators from across the political spectrum have noted that the middle class, in particular, is ambivalent about parties without anyone adequately representing this group (Page 25).

References

¹The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: The September 12, 2004 Legislative Council Elections. A Pre-election Report. NDI Hong Kong Report #9. August 31, 2004 Link to all Promise of Democratization Reports