The NDI sent a survey mission to Hong Kong in February 2002. The mission comprised:
·
Eric Bjornlund, NDI
Senior Advisor and former NDI Senior Associate and Regional Director for Asia;
and
·
Christine Chung,
NDI Senior Program Officer.
They met with government officials, including Chief
Secretary Donald Tsang, Secretary of Justice Elsie Leung and Constitutional
Affairs Secretary Michael Suen; political party leaders and legislators,
including Martin Lee of the Democratic Party and Tsang Yok Sing of the
Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong; nongovernmental
organization representatives; academics; journalists; diplomats; and others.
Promise of Democratization Report 6#
The findings of this
mission were documented in:
·
The
Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: The
2002 Chief Executive Election and the Transition Five Years after Reversion.
NDI Hong
Kong Report #6. 11 March 20021.
The contacts for the report were listed as Peter M. Manikas,
Director of Asia Programs or Christine Chung. Senior Program Officer.
Promise of Democratization Report 6 cover
|
Key findings of the
mission
The key findings of this mission were:
Article 23
·
A potential issue
on the horizon involves Article 23 of the Basic Law, which requires Hong Kong
to enact laws “to prohibit treason, secession, sedition, [and] subversion
against the Central People’s Government . . . .” (Page 3, repeated on Page 4).
Desire for democracy in Hong Kong
·
By all accounts … democracy rates relatively low on
people’s list of concerns (Page 13).
Implementing democracy in Hong Kong
·
… the Basic Law
does not provide initially for fully democratic elections in the HKSAR.
·
During a transition
period of 10 years, the Basic Law provides for incremental increases in the
number of directly elected seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo), “in
accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress,” until a
decision is made about fully democratic elections.
·
The Basic Law
declares “the ultimate aim is the election of all members of the Legislative
Council by universal suffrage”
·
While the Basic Law
does not specify how the chief executive will be selected in 2007 and
thereafter, it clearly states, “the ultimate aim is the selection of the Chief
Executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative
nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures.” (Page 5).
Public Opinion
·
The Chief Executive himself discounts the value of
democracy and in lieu of representative institutions, he would rely on polls to
assess public opinion.
·
In Tung’s campaign
statement, he pledged to “put in place an effective opinion survey system to
ensure the highest level of Government awareness of community attitude,
sensitivity, and reaction to policy initiatives.”
·
Gauging public
opinion is common practice for political leaders almost everywhere, and Hong
Kong already produces many polls (Page 13).
Taiwan
·
Hong Kong’s success
under the “one country, two systems” paradigm could have an impact on the
eventual resolution of the stalemate over Taiwan (Page 5).
NDI’s Conclusion
·
There is cause for concern about the promise of
democratization in Hong Kong five years on … public complacency and the daunting nature of the work ahead in
negotiating the constitutional changes necessary to realize universal suffrage pose
considerable challenges (Page 22).
Finally,
·
Hong Kong citizens have the right to democracy
regardless of where they might rank it in their list of priorities in various
public opinion polls.
·
The right to democratic elections is unambiguous in
the ICCPR and according to international standards.
·
Where Hong Kong has led with the example of its
success under one of the finest rule of law regimes in Asia, it could similarly
serve to assure the mainland of the value of a fully democratic system (Page 22).
Reference
1The Promise of
Democratization in Hong Kong: The 2002
Chief Executive Election and the Transition Five Years after Reversion. NDI Hong Kong Report #6. 11
March 2002 Link to all Promise of Democratization Reports
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