The NDI conducted an assessment of the political environment
in Hong Kong from 12 - 17 September 2003, following July 1 and subsequent
events, as well as preparations for the November 23 District Council elections.
The delegation comprised:
·
Christine Chung, NDI China Program Director;
·
Eric Bjornlund, Independent consultant and
former NDI Regional Director;
·
Peter Manikas, NDI Regional Director for Asia
Programs.
While in Hong Kong, the delegation held extensive interviews
with government officials, political party leaders, academics, journalists, civil
society, business representatives and diplomats.
Promise of Democratization Report 8
The findings of this
delegation were documented in:
·
The
Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: The Impact of July’s Protest
Demonstrations on the November 23 District Council Elections—A Pre-election
Report., NDI Hong Kong Report #8. 17 November 20031
Promise of Democratization Report 8 cover |
Key findings of
the delegation
The key findings of the delegation were:
Article 23 protests
Article 23 of the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special
Administrative Region (HKSAR)—enacted by the National People’s Congress in
China to serve as the constitution of Hong Kong— requires that Hong Kong pass
laws that address treason, secession, sedition, subversion and theft of state
secrets (Pages 3 and 4);
Note: “and to
prohibit political organizations or bodies of the Region from establishing ties
with foreign political organizations or bodies” was left out of the main
body of the report. The full text of Article 23 was recorded in a Footnote.
Footnote:2 2Article 23 of the Basic Law provides, “The Hong Kong
Special Administrative Region shall enact laws on its own to prohibit any act
of treason, secession, sedition, subversion against the Central People’s
Government, or theft of state secrets, to prohibit foreign political
organizations or bodies from conducting political activities in the Region, and
to prohibit political organizations or bodies of the Region from establishing
ties with foreign political organizations or bodies.”.
More than half a million people (out of a population of 6.8
million) marched on July 1 to protest the government’s efforts to force passage
of unpopular Article 23 national security legislation and in support of
democracy.
Civil Human Rights Front organized the July 1 march
The Civil Human
Rights Front formally organized the July 1 march with the support of various
other groups, including those not generally known for their political
activism.
People power and governance
Since July 1, many in Hong Kong have characterized
recent events as a demonstration of “people power.”
One of the key questions is whether perceptions of Hong
Kong residents about their own ability to influence the actions of their
government have changed.
However, as the political debate deepens, the role of political parties in the
governance of Hong Kong has come to the surface as one of the key issues that
require attention.
The full impact of Hong Kong’s “summer
of discontent” continues to unfold. One thing, though, is certain: Hong Kong’s residents
can no longer be characterized as “apolitical.”
Civil Human Rights Front organized the July
9 march
On July 9, 30 to 50 thousand protestors gathered
outside the LegCo building for a candlelight vigil, again organized by the
Civil Human Rights Front. On July 14 the Democracy Development Network, a
nongovernmental organization with a high proportion of academics and a number
of Democratic Party members, organized yet another pro-democracy rally (Page
6).
Article 23 concern group credited with successfully
opposing Article 23 legislation
Hong Kong’s political parties in general have received
little credit for the successful opposition to Article 23 legislation or the
mass public protest (Page 10).
Many observers credit civil society organizations,
particularly the Article 23 Concern Group, a small group of advocates and legal
scholars, and the Bar Association, for engaging on the merits of the
legislation in a technical and determined way and pursuing a successful political
strategy to oppose the legislation (Page 10).
Hong Kong citizens skeptical of/ambivalent about
political parties
By all accounts, many Hong Kong citizens remain
skeptical of political parties (Page 10).
Commentators from across the political spectrum have
noted that the middle class in particular, is ambivalent about parties, and no
political party adequately represents the middle class (Page 10).
Promise of fully democratic elections under the Basic
Law in the future
The Basic Law provides for incremental increases in
the number of directly elected seats in the Legislative Council during a
transition period of 10 years, beginning with reversion to Chinese sovereignty
in 1997.
In the election in 2004, in accordance with the
schedule established in the Basic Law, Hong Kong citizens will elect directly, based
on universal suffrage, one-half of the 60 seats in the LegCo.
The Basic Law declares, however, “the ultimate aim is
the election of all members of the Legislative Council by universal suffrage.”
Likewise, during the transition, an election committee
selects the Chief Executive. While the Basic Law does not specify how the Chief
Executive will be selected in 2007 and thereafter, it clearly states, “the
ultimate aim is the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage upon
nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with
democratic procedures (Page 16).
Nevertheless, despite the absence of full democracy in
the current institutional arrangements, as NDI has pointed out in the past, the
Basic Law framework also protects the rule of law and holds out the promise of
fully democratic elections in the future, if Hong Kong’s government and elites
allow that promise to be realized (Page 17).
References
1The Promise of Democratization in Hong Kong: The Impact of July’s
Protest Demonstrations on the November 23 District Council Elections—A Pre-election
Report., NDI Hong Kong Report #8. 17 November 2003 Link to all Promise of Democratization Reports
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